In today's world, Orthodox Peronism has become a topic of great importance and interest to a wide range of people. Whether it is a concept, a prominent figure, a historical event or a current topic, Orthodox Peronism has managed to capture attention and generate debate in multiple spheres of society. Its impact has been present in different areas, from politics and economics, to culture and entertainment. As Orthodox Peronism continues to be high on the global agenda, it is crucial to delve deeper into its context, implications and relevance in the contemporary world. In this article, we will thoroughly explore the phenomenon of Orthodox Peronism and its various implications, offering a comprehensive and objective vision of this topic of great relevance today.
Argentine political ideology
Orthodox Peronism
Peronismo Ortodoxo
José Ignacio Rucci was the most important orthodox traditional sindicalist.
^A: The orthodox peronist economic management in the government of Isabel Perón, was labeled as neoliberal.
Orthodox Peronism, Peronist Orthodoxy,National Justicialism, is a faction within Peronism, a political movement in Argentina that adheres to the ideology and legacy of Juan Perón. Orthodox Peronists are staunch supporters of Perón and his original policies, and they reject any association with Marxism or any other left-wing ideologies. Some of them are aligned with far-right elements. Orthodox Peronism also refers to the Peronist trade union faction that split from the “62 organizations" and that opposed the “legalists", who were more moderate and pragmatic. They were also known as “the hardliners", “the 62 standing with Perón" and they maintained an orthodox and verticalist stance, in accordance with the Peronist doctrine. Orthodox Peronism has been in several conflicts with the Tendencia Revolucionaria (opposite current in the Peronist movement), for example during the Ezeiza massacre.
Origin of the denomination
The term orthodox Peronism emerged during the years of the Peronist resistance after 1955, when historical revisionism was consolidated and enabled a closer connection between Peronism and nationalism. Although there was some relationship between the Peronist government and the nationalists, the former was not revisionist in its historical interpretation and the latter did not have a dominant role in the government. It was only from 1955 onwards, in the context of the resistance and influenced by historical nationalism, that an orthodox Peronism began to take shape. This implied not only an adaptation of Peronism to nationalism, but also a reappropriation and reformulation of some of the original concepts of Perón’s discourse by the nationalists. This convergence between nationalists and Peronists was not without tensions or difficulties. During those years, they formed the most intransigent and uncompromising sectors of Peronism, who rejected any kind of agreement with the government. They distanced themselves from the neoperonist, vandorist or conciliatory tendencies that emerged in the movement in the sixties. Also when we refer to the traditional orthodox current, we account for a conglomerate of unions and groups that, although strongly identified by the justicialist verticality, were initially opposed to the leadership of Rodolfo Ponce and the right-wing unionism. In most of them, the union leaders had a wide trajectory, which they had acquired in the conflicts of the first half of the 60s (Plan de Huerta Grande and Plan del Lucha del 64"), This current would be mainly represented by the Secretaries of the AEC (Ezequiel Crisol) and the UOM (Albertano Quiroga), counting on the support of the unions with the largest number of affiliates in the city, but which in turn did not have a greater political weight during the decade. Peronism underwent a profound political transformation from the campaign of the luche and vuelve, which culminated in Perón’s return to power in 1973. The tensions between the union sectors and the Peronist left, which had supported Cámpora’s government, worsened with the turn to the right that Perón promoted from his inauguration. The sectors of traditional Peronism, union orthodoxy and Peronist right-wing joined in a verticalist triad that had just formed a new Peronist orthodoxy, and offcorse it had sought to marginalize and repress the Peronist left, which resisted giving up its revolutionary ideals. Since then, orthodox Peronism encompassed those sectors that, invoking verticalism, opposed any kind of alignment with the so-called marxism or the left-wing peronism. The orthodox Peronists began to be recognized those who, professing their loyalty to Perón and his wife (Estela Martínez de Perón), defended the “Peronist homeland" against the “socialist homeland" proposed by the left-wing faction of the movement, known as the Revolutionary Tendency. During Lastiri’s government and after Perón’s death, the new orthodox entente used institutional and extra-institutional mechanisms to expel and corner the new heterodoxy, made up of the Peronist left and the governors and officials aligned with it, political violence intensified within the Peronist movement, as well as the armed action of the guerrilla organizations. This resulted in several conflicts that marked this period as one of the most violent in Argentina’s history.
Ideology
Until 1973
Initially, orthodox Peronism encompassed those centrist sectors that followed the Peronist ideals to the letter and opposed the neo-Peronist sectors of the time, as Perón expressed in his speeches:
“We have, yes, an ideology and a doctrine within which we are developing. Some are on the right of that ideology and others are on the left, but they are in the ideology. Those on the right protest because these on the left are, and those on the left protest because those on the right are, and I don’t know which of the two is right in the protest. But that is something that does not interest me."(english) (spanish)
— Juan Domingo Perón, 8 de setiembre de 1973
It was mainly organized under the orthodox union leadership. This traditional orthodoxy was part of the National Transference Table.
Since 1973
With the return of Perón, Orthodox Peronism mainly advocated its total adherence to the governments of Perón and Isabel Perón, highlighting that the twenty Peronist truths were relevant and nothing else (emphasizing it to the tendency); the opposition to the revolutionary youth sectors of Peronism and the "Homeland Socialist", considered alien to the movement; and the reaffirmation of the Third Position distancing itself from both United States and the Soviet Union.
The term of right-wing peronism is included within the parameter of the orthodoxy, but not only, since the term could denote old Justicialists or centrists/centre-rightists who simply wanted to distance themselves from the postulates of the tendency. The distinction of the orthodox organizations of "far right" obeys to that these last ones assumed the fight against the Marxist advance within the Peronist movement through the armed violence, with a marked antisemitic, anticommunist and antisynarchist bias.
In the seventies, there were several terrorist organizations that adhered to this Peronism.
Among the main groups of Orthodox Peronism include the Orthodox Peronist Youth, with Adrián Curi as executive secretary; Concentration of the Peronist Youth, with Martín Salas as organization secretary; Peronist Union Youth, which has Claudio Mazota in t.he union secretariat; the Iron Guard, the FalangistNational University Concentration; the Peronist Youth of the Argentine Republic, National Student Front, which had Víctor Lorefice as press and finance secretary, and the neo-Nazi and Antisemite organization the Tacuara Nationalist Movement is also part of this movement. The Alianza Anticomunista Argentina (AAA) also Is included, although it is not yet clear if it is its own political organization, a mere death squad, or a confederation of right-wing groups. Other minor groups such as the Comando Rucci are also part of this denominatin.
^Bonavena, Pablo Augusto (UBA / UNLP). (2007). La ofensiva de Perón y la ortodoxia sindical contra los gobernadores de la Tendencia: notas sobre los casos de San Luis y Catamarca. XI Jornadas
Interescuelas/Departamentos de Historia. Departamento de Historia. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras. Universidad de Tucumán, San Miguel de Tucumán.
^Besoky, Juan Luis (2010). "La revista El Caudillo de la Tercera Posición: órgano de expresión de la extrema derecha". Conflicto Social (in Spanish). 3 (3): 7–28. ISSN1852-2262. Retrieved 5 April 2023. "Será a través de la consolidación del revisionismo histórico luego del ’55 que se irán tejiendo vínculos cada vez más sólidos entre el peronismo y el nacionalismo. Si bien ya existía alguna relación con el gobierno peronista, sabemos que éste nunca fue revisionista en su lectura de la historia y que incluso la presencia de nacionalistas en el gobierno distó de ser hegemónica. Será recién a partir del ’55 en el marco de la resistencia y a través del nacionalismo histórico que podremos ver la conformación de manera muy embrionaria de un peronismo ortodoxo."
^Alonso, Dalmiro (2012). "Ideología y violencia organizada en la Argentina en los años de la Guerra Fría". repositoriosdigitales.mincyt.gob.ar. Retrieved 6 April 2023. "Para definir al peronismo ortodoxo, se parte del conglomerado de agrupaciones y tendencias que, ya sea teniendo su origen en el propio movimiento peronista o fuera de él, construyeron a partir de su experiencia social una concepción de la ideología peronista rescatando, alimentando y potenciando los rasgos más conservadores de la misma."
^"PROVINCIAL CONFLICTS BETWEEN THE TREND AND ORTHODOXY. La Rioja, a case study". www.google.com. Retrieved 10 March 2023. «It was another significant expression that designated all those actors located in the so-called Peronist right; but that, ultimately, went beyond it since it could also include the centrist or moderate sectors of Peronism. It was neither more nor less than his quintessential opponent: the Peronist Orthodoxy.»
^Carta politica (in Spanish). Sociedad Anonima Editora Sarmiento. June 1974. Retrieved 29 August 2023.
^Besoky, Juan Luis (2010). "La revista El Caudillo de la Tercera Posición: órgano de expresión de la extrema derecha". Conflicto Social (in Spanish). 3 (3): 7–28. ISSN1852-2262. Retrieved 5 April 2023. "Sin embargo, no todas las teorías conspirativas son antisemitas. También entre los responsables de la conspiración figuran el capitalismo salvaje, el individualismo acérrimo y el comunismo, entre otros. Dentro de las visiones conspirativas se destaca la figura de la “sinarquía"."
^Besoky, Juan Luis (2010). "La revista El Caudillo de la Tercera Posición: órgano de expresión de la extrema derecha". Conflicto Social (in Spanish). 3 (3): 7–28. ISSN1852-2262. Retrieved 5 April 2023. "Sin embargo, no todas las teorías conspirativas son antisemitas. También entre los responsables de la conspiración figuran el capitalismo salvaje, el individualismo acérrimo y el comunismo, entre otros. Dentro de las visiones conspirativas se destaca la figura de la “sinarquía"."
^Besoky, Juan Luis (24 May 2013). "La derecha peronista en perspectiva". Nuevo Mundo Mundos Nuevos. Nouveaux Mondes Mondes Nouveaux – Novo Mundo Mundos Novos – New World New Worlds (in Spanish). doi:10.4000/nuevomundo.65374. hdl:11336/4140. ISSN1626-0252. Retrieved 5 April 2023. "…hasta llegar a las expresiones más furibundamente antimarxistas y antisemitas de la extrema derecha."
^"Rodolfo Walsh, a palabra definitiva: Escritura e militância" (Rodolfo Walsh). Consultado el 29 de marzo de 2023.«Las escenas del alboroto de las masas en la mira de la voluntad fascista de estas alas del peronismo ortodoxo.»
^Alonso, Dalmiro (2012). "Ideología y violencia organizada en la Argentina en los años de la Guerra Fría". repositoriosdigitales.mincyt.gob.ar. Retrieved 9 December 2023.«Finalmente, en julio de 1975, se produjo la principal escisión en el seno del peronismo antizquierdista que opuso a la derecha moderada que controlaba las 62 organizaciones de la C.G.T. a los ultraderechistas dirigidos por López Rega.»
^"PROVINCIAL CONFLICTS BETWEEN THE TREND AND ORTHODOXY. La Rioja, a case study". www.google.com. Retrieved 10 March 2023. It was another significant expression that designated all those actors located in the so-called Peronist right; but that, ultimately, went beyond it since it could also include the centrist or moderate sectors of Peronism. It was neither more nor less than his quintessential opponent: the Peronist Orthodoxy.
^Besoky, Juan Luis. Loyal and Orthodox, the Peronist right. A coalition against revolutionary? (in Spanish). Argentina. pp. https://www.ungs.edu.ar/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/Besoki.pdf. Not all the Peronist organizations that were critical of the left can be encompassed within the right, such as the case of Guardia de Hierro, which later became the Unique Organization for Generational Transfer (OUTG). Taking into account the work carried out on this organization by Tarruella (2005), Anchou and Bartoletti (2008) and Cucchetti (2010), among others, it would be pertinent to place it in the political center, at a more or less equidistant distance (depending on the moment) from the right and left of Peronism. In this case it would be more appropriate to locate them within the field of orthodox Peronism but not of the right.
^Corigliano, Francisco (2007). "Colapso estatal y política exterior: el caso de la Argentina (des)gobernada por Isabel Perón (1974-1976)". Revista SAAP: Sociedad Argentina de Análisis Político (in Spanish). 3 (1): 55–79.
^"PROVINCIAL CONFLICTS BETWEEN THE TREND AND ORTHODOXY. La Rioja, a case study". www.google.com. Retrieved 10 March 2023. It was another significant expression that designated all those actors located in the so-called Peronist right; but that, ultimately, went beyond it since it could also include the centrist or moderate sectors of Peronism. It was neither more nor less than his quintessential opponent: the Peronist Orthodoxy.
^Corigliano, Francisco (2007). "Colapso estatal y política exterior: el caso de la Argentina (des)gobernada por Isabel Perón (1974-1976)". Revista SAAP: Sociedad Argentina de Análisis Político (in Spanish). 3 (1): 55–79.
^Guadagno, Facundo. El partido político Segunda República y Ricardo Lirio: Una mirada antropólogica sobre un nuevo nacionalismo argentino (in Spanish).