In this article, we will explore the fascinating world of Rail suicide and its implications on modern society. From its origins to its impact today, Rail suicide has been the subject of debate, discussion and constant interest. Over the years, Rail suicide has proven its relevance in various fields, from politics to science to popular culture. Through this comprehensive analysis, we will seek to better understand the importance of Rail suicide in today's world and how it has shaped the way we think, act, and relate to the environment around us. Join us on this journey of discovery and reflection about Rail suicide.
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Rail suicide is deliberate self-harm resulting in death by means of a moving railway vehicle. The suicide occurs when an approaching train hits a suicidal pedestrian jumping, lying, or wandering on the tracks. Low friction on the tracks makes it impossible for the train to stop quickly enough. This type of suicide may cause trauma to the train driver.
The first recorded train suicide occurred in 1852 in England, where rail development in Europe had been most advanced. In 1879 an Italian researcher noted that such suicides were most common in that country's northern Piedmont region, where similarly the rail network was at its most extensive. This led pioneering sociologist Émile Durkheim to reason in his 1897 work Suicide that "the more the land is covered with railroads, the more general becomes the habit of seeking death by throwing one's self under a train", which has since been generally accepted as a rule. Later research has focused on the nuances of what, specifically, about the rail network affects the extent to which it is used for suicide.
Rail suicides typically follow one of three patterns: jumping in front of a train from a station platform, lying on the tracks as one approaches, and wandering onto the tracks before they are present, a division first identified by researchers on the New York City Subway in 1972, who found jumping the commonest and deadliest in their sample. A fourth group included "touchers", all women, who often went on the tracks after trains had left and deliberately touched the electrified third rail, A German researcher also found some outlying methods like jumping from a moving train and jumping from a bridge into the path of an approaching train. A railway suicide can also be committed by a vehicle driver, such as the Ufton Nervet rail crash, which killed seven others on the train. In addition to individual suicides, joint suicides on railways have also been reported.
Studies have found the preferred method differs by country. A 2005 Swedish study found walkers most predominant among 145 suicides, followed by those who sat or lay on the tracks with jumpers third, while a 2008 Australian study of 161 suicides along the Queensland rail network found sitters/liers most common with jumpers and walkers evenly split. German researchers in 2011, looking at over a thousand cases over five years, found the proportions nearly equal, with jumping the least likely to be fatal; twelve years later another group of Germans found liers the largest share, with jumpers close behind. A 2013 U.S. study of 50 suicides where this information was available found a slight edge for liers, with walkers and jumpers evenly split. Electrocution via third rails remains rare.
Researchers have tried to determine what locations along tracks are more at risk for suicide than others. In response to a 2009 cluster of rail suicides by teens at a level crossing along the Caltrain commuter line in Palo Alto, California, the Mineta Transportation Institute (MTI) at nearby San Jose State University studied 17 years of data from Caltrain on suicides and unintended pedestrian fatalities along the 124.7-kilometre (77.5 mi) line from downtown San Francisco south along the Santa Clara Valley for any trends or patterns that might help prevent suicides. The researchers found that while only 20% occurred at stations, most were within 500 metres (0.3 mi) of a station or nearby crossing. They theorized that people attempting rail suicide used the stations primarily to access the tracks, wanted to ensure that the train was traveling at a speed as high as possible, and that no one was able to interfere with them.
In a broader sense, some sections of track seem more attractive than others; population density in the areas the line passes through may have some effect. The MTI researchers studying Caltrain suicides found that a 40-kilometre (25 mi) section of track between the Burlingame and Sunnyvale stations accounted for a larger share of suicides than the rest of the line, and a greater incidence than trespass fatalities in that area. A Caltrain representative they contacted noted that that section was one of the oldest on the line, with largely residential areas adjacent to the tracks, whereas the line north of that section went through more commercial areas and into tunnels where it might be less accessible. The paucity of suicides south of San Jose's Diridon station was attributed to the lower frequency of train service between there and the line's southern terminus at Gilroy.
Other researchers have reported a similar correlation. A 2018 Belgian study found that the rail suicide rate over a five-year period was highest along lines in suburban areas. The researchers theorized that tracks in those areas are more accessible than they are in cities, and the trains operate at the same frequency as those in the nearby urban areas but at higher speeds. In what the researchers deemed "high-risk" locations, 2–km (3.2–mile) sections of line where two or more suicides had occurred during the time frame of the study, they noted that there were points where someone attempting suicide could easily hide, and where the driver had limited visibility.
However, a 2010 study in the Netherlands, which has the highest rate of rail suicide in Europe, found no relation between the population density of the areas adjacent to the tracks over a 57-year period. Instead, the Dutch researchers noted that suicides and attempts appeared to be concentrated on "hotspots", such as nearby psychiatric hospitals, a phenomenon also observed in the later Belgian study, as well as in Austria and Germany.
Three years later the same Dutch researchers undertook a comparative study of rail suicides in their country and neighboring Germany in the 2000–07 period, noting that despite many similarities the two countries differed where rail suicide was concerned—the Netherlands, despite a lower suicide rate overall, had a much higher incidence of rail suicide. Building on British research that found a correlation between the rail suicide rate and the overall passenger rail volume, suggesting that familiarity with rail transport might drive rail suicide to a greater extent than the mere availability of tracks, they identified four factors to use for comparative purposes using Poisson regression:
The second and third were posed as measures of the availability hypothesis; the fourth as a measure of familiarity. Rail density, when applied to suicide statistics, made the difference larger, which led the researchers to discount it as a factor due to the already extensively developed rail networks in both countries. Train traffic intensity, by contrast, resulted in the two countries' rail suicide rates drawing almost even. The researchers considered this their most important finding, suggesting that with more frequent trains a potential suicide may have less time for second thoughts to manifest themselves.
A 2015 Swedish study of suicide on the Stockholm Metro found that stations in areas with high rates of drug-related crime had higher suicide rates.
A 2023 German study looked at the specific behaviors of 56 rail suicides and attempts in that country over 18 months in 2020–21, where video from CCTV could be reviewed. The majority (42, or 75%) occurred at Deutsche Bahn stations, the rest were on open tracks. The 2008 Queensland study, by contrast, found nearly the inverse ratio.
The German researchers broke down the suicides and attempts that occurred at stations by several factors determinable from the videos in 35 cases. The most prominent was the section of the platform from which the suicide or attempt occurred. A majority (20, or 57%) leapt from the end of the platform where the train approached, seven (20%) used the middle and another eight (22.9%) chose the far end, suggesting that the train struck them at high speed. Over a third chose areas where no one else on the platform was near them at the time.
Research has not consistently established any patterns related to the times of the day, week or year in which rail suicide is more common. The 2008 Queensland study found peaks in March–May and September—October, periods accounting for half of the 161 completed suicides over 15 years in the researchers' data set. June accounted for only nine, but they did not find that statistically significant. While there were differences in the weekdays chosen, again they did not reach statistical significance. However, patterns in the time of day showed a preference for late afternoon and early evening, with a third of cases occurring between 5 and 9 p.m.
The 2011 German researchers attempted to see if any temporal patterns presented in the 1,004 suicides they analyzed by jumping, lying or walking. The first of those methods was more common during the day at stations; the others at night. The researchers theorized that night might provide more concealment for those venturing onto the track from a station or crossing before the train came, while jumping might be harder in the dark. Data on seasonal variation did not show any significant variation
The 2015 Stockholm Metro study found as well that they peaked in the later afternoon, and in springtime, but could not find any day of the week that seemed particularly attractive to suicides. The authors noted the contrast with other studies that had, such as a 2004 German study of 4,003 rail suicides over five years, breaking them down by sex, which had found more occurring on Mondays and Tuesdays. Rail suicides peaked during April and September. In the summer months women showed a preference for the morning while men peaked in the evening. A 2020 Polish study of 60 rail suicides in the Warsaw area examining the relationship between alcohol use, sex and age among them found that sober victims predominated among those occurring in the fall while those who had been drinking were more likely to take their own lives via rail in the spring.
Railway-related suicides are rarely impulsive, and this view has led to research on behaviour analysis using CCTV at known hotspots to see what might indicate a traveler is considering suicide. Some behaviour patterns are implicated such as station-hopping, platform switching, standing away from others, letting a number of trains go by, and standing close to where trains enter. Surveillance cameras are viewable by railway staff.
A 2011 German study made online questionnaires available to Federal Police officers who had witnessed, or interviewed witnesses to, rail suicides. From the 202 that were completed, the researchers identified several frequent behaviors of those considering suicide in stations. The most common was dropping personal belongings such as bags, suicide notes or identity cards, and avoiding eye contact, reported by half the respondents. A quarter recounted erratic behavior, such as talking loudly to themselves and general confusion. Intoxication was reported by 20 percent, a proportion lower than the researchers expected based on another previous study, and 15 percent said that the suicider was seen wandering around. These phenomena were similar to those observed in a study of suicides on the Hong Kong subway.
Rail suicides, like suicides in general and those using similarly violent methods, are mostly attempted and completed by men. A 2013 U.S. Federal Railroad Administration (FRA) study using psychiatric autopsies found that the median age of the 55 suicides studied over a three-year period was 40. The 2008 Queensland study found a peak among men in the 15–24 age group, who accounted for nearly a third of its suicides. The suicides studied differed from suicides in general in showing a higher rate of diagnosed mental illness—96 percent—in rail suicides, a finding comparable to one reported in an earlier Dutch study in which two-thirds of the suicides studied were psychiatric inpatients. Comorbidity was reported in 73 percent of the cases, 63 percent had a family history of mental illness, and 53 percent had been prescribed medication. Chronic physical illnesses were also reported in 51 percent. Almost all had recently experienced, or were experiencing, a stressful event such as legal difficulties and/or the end of a relationship.
Many were also reported to have been abusing drugs or alcohol during the time prior to their suicide, and autopsies showed that half had recently consumed those substances at the time of their suicides (with all but one of those who had been drinking having a blood alcohol content (BAC) over 0.08 percent, high enough to be considered legally intoxicated (five had recently been arrested on drunken-driving charges). The 2008 Queensland study found as well that, in cases where a toxicology report had been done as part of the autopsy, half of the 15–24-aged males in their peak demographic had been drinking before the suicide. The 2020 Polish study looking at alcohol use and rail suicide found statistical significance among men, with younger victims more likely to have been drinking before the suicide than older ones. However, the older victims who had been drinking showed higher BACs at the time of their deaths, suggesting a correlation between greater suicide risk and longterm alcohol abuse.
Interviewers in the FRA study also asked the relatives of the suicides if they knew whether the suicide had access to a firearm and ammunition, the most common method of suicide in the U.S., accounting for half of all cases. They learned that 22 percent of the cases did. While the authors noted that it was unusual for gun owners who kill themselves to use other means, since that was lower than the share of American households with firearms they theorized that rail may be more attractive to suicides for whom guns are not available.
A 2018 study of suicides on the Melbourne rail system in the Australian state of Victoria, which has the highest rate of rail suicide of any state in that country, found two factors which distinguished rail suicides from all suicides. First, they were three times as likely to never have been married. Second, they were more likely to live in areas where a large segment of the population commuted to their jobs via rail, offering support for Durkheim's theory that suicides lean toward using a method familiar to them from their everyday life. The researchers speculated that perhaps married people are more likely to have children and commute to work by car.
Another Dutch study, in 2024, employed the psychiatric-autopsy technique to study 39 rail suicides over a four-year period. They were found to be predominantly under the age of 30, at a proportion twice that of the general suicide rate for that age group in the Netherlands. Many were well educated and lived with others, either friends or family, in neighborhoods within walking distance of where they took their lives.
One British study that interviewed 20 survivors of rail suicide attempts found that almost half had chosen that method because they knew of someone else who had; they also perceived it as likely to be fatal while easily available and accessible. A later British study interviewed 34 people in three categories: survivors of rail suicide attempts, those who had attempted suicide by other means but considered trains, and those who had not attempted suicide but contemplated doing so by rail. It quoted their own words extensively, without "interpreting such accounts through a lens of deficit and pathology.
"A quick, violent death is quite attractive", one rail suicide survivor told the researchers in the later study. "I think that's one thing that you hope that a train can provide." Another informant, from the group that had considered suicide by train but not attempted any method, said that since it was likely no identifiable remains would be found their survivors would better be able to accept the finality of their death. Two rail suicide survivors also liked the "sense of anonymity" they had at stations. "I'd want to do it somewhere privately," one allowed. "It's not the sort of thing you want to do in front of everybody for a show". The impact on any witnesses, particularly the driver, was also a consideration. One survivor recalled feeling "desperately sorry" for that person, and another said that was the reason they ultimately chose another method, "because that's making somebody else complicit, so that's almost making them feel as if they'd killed me." Another deterrent was the possibility of surviving the attempt and living with any permanent injuries.
Some survivors chose trains as a metaphor for their own situation:
spoke of there being no alternative, no choice, others that suicide was a response to feeling out of control, or of taking the control that had been removed from them by mental health services. Several accounts implied a wish for agency to come from elsewhere, and in some the person described putting themselves in a situation where their fate would be left to chance, to impulse, or to people around who might or might not intervene
Another expressed the hope that their death might have been seen as an accident.
A collision with a suicidal pedestrian is different from a collision with an unauthorised person, a trespasser, who has illegally entered the tracks, and can be distinguished, according to the European Union Agency for Railways, by the presence of suicidal intent. Ovenstone criteria are mentioned for categorizing a suicidal intent.
Approximately 10–30 percent, depending on the method chosen, of those who attempt rail suicide survive the collision The survivors often suffer severed limbs.
Rail suicide is distinct from most other methods in having a wide effect in order to investigate the death and clear the tracks, forcing delays and reroutings of trains in the meantime. As of 2014, the delay of the train caused by a rail suicide can extend from 30 minutes in Japan to two hours in most European countries. A 2012 Belgian study put the annual costs to Infrabel, the country's rail operator, at 750 hours and €300,000 based on the 2006–2008 period. In written testimony to Parliament, Samaritans said that in 2014–15 suicides cost Network Rail £67 million, averaging about £230,000 per incident, with 2,200 minutes of delays per incident adding up to 609,000 annually.
Even if the suicide situation is recognized at an early stage, the train driver is hardly in a position to prevent the rail suicide due to the long braking distance and the lack of evasive action. Even if the train driver closes their eyes, they can still feel the impact of the collision. This results in a heavy psychological burden for the driver, which can lead to years of impairment.
In addition to the train driver, a rail suicide can traumatize a bigger number of bystanders who witness the body. In case of driverless trains, a witnessing passenger presses the emergency button to stop the train.
In some cases, a collision with a pedestrian is not noticed by the train driver and the train continues to travel to the next station with human remains still visible at its front. In such cases, the driver might be held accountable for violation of instruction and face consequences.
In Germany, rail suicide is a criminal offence. In 2013, according to Deutsche Bahn, 30 train drivers lost their suitability for the job as a result of traumatic events. The train drivers unsuitable for job due to witnessing a rail suicide are paid full salaries.
Suicide by train is seen as a social problem, especially in the larger cities such as Tokyo or Nagoya, because it disrupts train schedules, damages equipment, harms the drivers, and, if one occurs during the morning rush-hour, causes numerous commuters to arrive late for work. Family members or next-of-kin of the person who died by suicide are charged with the cost of rail disruption by most rail companies. It has been argued this prevents possible suicide, as the person who is considering suicide would want to spare the family not only the trauma of a lost family member but also being sued in court.
In the Netherlands, one railway suicide incident results in €100,000 of direct economic costs for carrier and railway manager together.
In 2014, UK railways reported £34m of annual loss due to rail suicides.
In Queensland, rail suicides accounted for 2% of all suicides in the period 1990-2004.
As of 1996, 3% of suicides in Canada were committed on railways.
Data gathered to 2014 showed that there were about 3,000 suicides and 800 trespass-related injuries on the European railways each year.
ERA | AT | BE | BG | CH | CZ | DE | DK | EE | EL | ES | FI | FR | HR | HU | IE | IT | LT | LU | LV | NL | NO | PL | PT | RO | SE | SI | SK |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Rail suicides in 2007 | 13 | 94 | 39 | 0 | 150 | 706 | 32 | 0 | 4 | 188 | 54 | 344 | 111 | 5 | 138 | 0 | 10 | 193 | 8 | 28 | 52 | 24 | 78 | 14 | 48 | ||
Rail suicides in 2008 | 93 | 27 | 0 | 160 | 714 | 24 | 1 | 1 | 174 | 52 | 289 | 111 | 7 | 137 | 0 | 9 | 164 | 7 | 29 | 50 | 29 | 71 | 20 | 58 | |||
Rail suicides in 2009 | 101 | 69 | 19 | 0 | 185 | 875 | 32 | 0 | 3 | 163 | 62 | 337 | 139 | 2 | 111 | 2 | 4 | 10 | 197 | 8 | 25 | 69 | 25 | 67 | 10 | 56 | |
Rail suicides in 2010 | 90 | 84 | 18 | 0 | 198 | 899 | 23 | 0 | 2 | 124 | 44 | 328 | 121 | 6 | 109 | 4 | 3 | 13 | 201 | 7 | 47 | 51 | 23 | 68 | 15 | 48 | |
Rail suicides in 2011 | 87 | 98 | 27 | 103 | 235 | 853 | 20 | 0 | 4 | 128 | 64 | 332 | 28 | 155 | 6 | 140 | 5 | 7 | 10 | 215 | 11 | 28 | 42 | 76 | 62 | 25 | 40 |
Rail suicides in 2012 | 80 | 102 | 33 | 140 | 224 | 872 | 32 | 5 | 1 | 138 | 32 | 356 | 24 | 148 | 5 | 124 | 13 | 5 | 7 | 202 | 8 | 80 | 58 | 57 | 82 | 16 | 38 |
Rail suicides in 2013 | 99 | 94 | 17 | 140 | 207 | 834 | 23 | 1 | 5 | 118 | 55 | 291 | 15 | 79 | 3 | 134 | 8 | 4 | 3 | 220 | 10 | 71 | 47 | 66 | 90 | 13 | 55 |
Rail suicides in 2014 | 92 | 97 | 29 | 151 | 279 | 781 | 21 | 5 | 4 | 139 | 64 | 298 | 28 | 79 | 5 | 143 | 6 | 6 | 6 | 192 | 15 | 71 | 44 | 80 | 77 | 18 | 44 |
ERA data for 2021 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Rail suicides | 75 | 88 | 11 | 127 | 161 | 678 | 19 | 9 | 1 | 71 | 35 | 243 | 19 | 121 | 4 | 132 | 4 | 0 | 5 | 186 | 10 | 138 | 33 | 42 | 83 | 24 | 52 |
Rail suicide attempts | 11 | 13 | 1 | 12 | 16 | 89 | 22 | 1 | 0 | 14 | 19 | 35 | 4 | 45 | 0 | 20 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 9 | 1 | 13 | 5 | 15 | 7 | 6 | 2 |
Unauthorized persons killed | 6 | 5 | 11 | 4 | 11 | 64 | 3 | 0 | 1 | 10 | 2 | 22 | 3 | 27 | 1 | 42 | 8 | 1 | 5 | 2 | 0 | 99 | 9 | 54 | 4 | 0 | 15 |
Unauthorized persons seriously injured | 9 | 0 | 7 | 14 | 28 | 39 | 2 | 1 | 4 | 7 | 0 | 18 | 2 | 6 | 0 | 18 | 3 | 0 | 5 | 1 | 1 | 25 | 2 | 2 | 3 | 0 | 8 |
As according to STABAG (German: Statistik der Bahnbetriebsunfälle und Gefährlichen Unregelmäßigkeiten) in the years 1991–2000, 8653 (91.0%) rail suicide cases were fatal from total of 9510 incidences occurred on the German railway net. A fatal suicide meant a death within 30 days. Fatal rail suicides were ca. 7% of all fatal suicides committed in Germany in this time period. Of the 5731 suicidal acts in the time period 1997–2002, 66% occurred on open tracks and 34% in station areas. The data of 4127 suicial acts from the time period 2002-2006 showed that 32.2% of subjects were jumping, 32.6% lying and 34.2% wandering. Wandering included standing, and lying on the tracks included suicide by train decapitation. Jumping in front of the train had the highest chance of survival, while lying on the tracks most often resulted in death. However, suicidal behavior is not always detectable post mortem.
In the Netherlands, approximately 10–14% of all suicides are by rail. Every year, roughly 200 suicides and 50 failed suicide attempts occur on Dutch railways.
In 1999, about 5% of total 33048 suicides in Japan were on train tracks. Shin-Koiwa Station in Tokyo has a very high frequency of suicides. There have been 13 incidents between 2011 and 2013 at this station.
In 2014, there were 279 suicides on the national rail network per year. It was an increase of 11 on the previous year and 55 on 2011. Additionally, annually around 50 suicides on the London Underground were reported for 2014. There were more men among the victims than women, aged mostly between 30 and 55, mostly lower income persons. Suicides on the railways represent around 4% of the total.
ERA data for 2020 for the railway network | |
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Rail suicides | 251 |
Rail suicide attempts | 35 |
Unauthorized persons killed | 8 |
Unauthorized persons seriously injured | 2 |
The U.S. Federal Railroad Administration reports that there are 300 to 500 suicides by train each year. The agency also reported that those suicides on railway rights-of-ways were by people who tended to live near railroad tracks, were less likely to have access to firearms, and were significantly compromised by both severe mental disorder and substance abuse.
2012 | 2013 | 2014 | 2015 | 2016 | 2017 | |
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Lower estimate of the total number of fatal incidents | 276 | 314 | 276 | 328 | 275 | 219 |
In 2015, 328 fatal suicides and 30 suicide-related injuries were recorded on the US rail system.
Data from 2008-2018 may indicate that 30% of railway suicides in the Netherlands, approximately 85 suicides per year, could have been prevented by measures taken by ProRail, such as restricting access.
Beginning in 1916 in Japan, the suicide prevention activist, Nobu Jo, a placed large, well-lit signs at train stations and bridges. The signs advised suicidal visitors to stop, to wait, and to visit Jo's home or office, if they were experiencing despair. Jo believed that many suicidal people in the city experienced stress, poor health, poverty, and social isolation, and that these underlying issues might be resolved or relieved without loss of life.
One of the preventive measures taken in the Netherlands was to place suicide prevention signs in high-risk locations, mentioning the suicide prevention hotline (113 Zelfmoordpreventie ).
Media reporting has been linked to increased rail suicide attempts due to Werther effect. In Germany, the number of rail suicides grew significantly after the suicide of Robert Enke.
Physical barriers reducing the number of tresspassers and suicides are barrier fences, intermediate fencing between tracks, anti-trespass panels and platform screen doors. In Sweden, the number of suicides at stations could be reduced by 62.5 per cent through mid-track fencing. Sometimes vegetation along the tracks can obscure the view of the train driver and the removal of this is also advocated. On the London Underground the presence of a platform drainage pit has been shown to halve the number of deaths from suicide attempts. The pit increases the clearance between the train and the ground, probably allowing a casualty to fall away from the train's wheels. In South Korea, platform screen doors reduced the number of suicides by 89 per cent.
CCTV cameras can be used to identify risk factors for suicide like certain behavior and face expression, to understand a suicide after an attempt for forensic needs, and to automatically intervene using computer vision. In Australia, human-monitored CCTV was found to reduce the number of suicides in metro stations. Computer vision enhanced CCTV sending alerts to staff are a matter of research. Lancaster University together with the company Purple Transform has been awarded £50,000 by Innovate UK's UK Research and Innovation to conduct a project entitled 'Suicide Avoidance via Intelligent Video Examination' (SAIVE) project. The goal of the project is to investigate feasibility of AI surveillance system for preventing rail suicides.
In Japan, the use of calming blue lights on station platforms is estimated to have resulted in a 74–84 percent reduction in suicide attempts. They are also often installed at crossings, which West Japan Railway Company (commonly known as "JR West") began doing in 2006.
The title character of Leo Tolstoy's 1878 novel Anna Karenina, under the influence of morphine, trapped in a loveless marriage, believing her lover is himself having relationships with other women and may give into his family's plans to arrange a marriage to one of them, kneels on the tracks as a train approaches. Similarly, Willa Cather's 1905 short story "Paul's Case" ends with its title character, having been unable to bring himself to shoot himself, walks onto a set of tracks so that a train may strike him.
In the 1944 film Double Indemnity, the two main characters, Walter Neff and Phyllis Dietrichson, conspire to kill her husband and collect the large insurance settlement enabled by the title by making his death appear to have been an accidental fall from a moving train. The insurance company, Neff's employer, declines to pay on the belief that the death was a suicide. Barton Keyes, the claims adjuster believes it to be murder, citing suicide statistics he is familiar with in a ten-volume set that break down suicides by every possible category. "f all the cases on record", Keyes says, "there's not one single case of suicide by leap from the rear end of a moving train." He also notes that the train was traveling at 15 mph (24 km/h) when the fall occurred, too slow to cause serious injury or death to someone jumping or falling from it.
After disrupting his class reunion at the beginning of the film, Yongho, the middle-aged protagonist of the 1999 South Korean film Peppermint Candy climbs onto a nearby trestle where he refuses a fellow attendee's entreaties to come down. As a train approaches, he does not get out of the way and is last shown screaming "I want to go back!"; it is implied that he lets the train hit him. The film uses this as a departure point to show scenes from the previous 20 years of his life in reverse chronological order. Every different time period is preceded by a view of Yongho from the train, the footage running backward so he appears further away each time.
The 2008 British film Three and Out tells the story of Paul Callow, a driver on the London Underground who, after accidentally running over two people with his train, learns of a supposed rule that if his train strikes a third person within the month, he can retire and collect £10,000 in a lump sum payment. He then stops a man, Tommy Cassidy from jumping off the Holborn Viaduct and says he will pay him if he jumps in front of his train. Over a last weekend Paul promises Tommy, the latter attempts a reconciliation with his family as Paul begins to have second thoughts. Tommy insists the two follow through, and Paul ultimately does. Calling attention to the trauma suffered by drivers when their trains strike someone on the tracks, the Underground's driver's union, the Associated Society of Locomotive Engineers and Firemen, denounced the film and staged protests against it. Management publicly defended its cooperation with the filmmakers but privately the Underground's managing director Tim O'Toole had second thoughts in an internal memo, suggesting that it may have been a mistake to work with a film that "does not reflect reality and is in poor taste in attempting to make a suicide event 'funny'". Three and Out failed at the box office.
Films have depicted suicide on urban mass rail transit as well. In Oliver Stone's 2010 Wall Street: Money Never Sleeps, Louis Zabel jumps off a New York City subway platform into the path of an oncoming train after the trading firm he owns has suffered a catastrophic loss in value. The 2001 Japanese horror film Suicide Club begins with a scene where a group of 54 schoolgirls holding hands before they jump off a station platform into the path of an oncoming train, drenching the horrified other waiting passengers with their blood and beginning an epidemic of mass suicides around the country which a police detective attempts to solve. The scene is echoed in 2023's Bird Box Barcelona, where passengers on an underground platform, under the influence of mysterious unseen creatures, descend to the tracks and walk into the path of an oncoming train.
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I've got ten volumes on suicide alone. Suicide by race, by color, by occupation, by sex, by seasons of the year, by time of day. Suicide, how committed: by poisons, by firearms, by drowning, by leaps. Suicide by poison, subdivided by types of poison, such as corrosive, irritant, systemic, gaseous, narcotic, alkaloid, protein, and so forth. Suicide by leaps, subdivided by leaps from high places, under wheels of trains, under wheels of trucks, under the feet of horses, from steamboats. But Mr. Norton, of all the cases on record there's not one single case of suicide by leap from the rear end of a moving train.